Kapiolani
Community College Horizons 2003
Kapiolani
Community College
Horizons 2003
While
living here in Hawai‘i, I have found that many people who observe
the day-to-day lives of the Samoan people are puzzled by their commitment to
their family and to their church. Because their unfamiliarity often breeds
contempt, I have decided that I would investigate an aspect of a Samoan cultural
practice
to make the purpose of their actions more widely known to me and to others
that read this ethnography. For the purpose of this research field study assignment
I chose to examine ceremonial exchange practices that take place during a Samoan
funeral. By doing this I hope to help us understand and explain the important
nature of social relationships and balanced reciprocity that exists according
to Samoan tradition. I believe that the Samoan funeral is just one of many
occasions
that enable relatives in a kinship group to maintain their identity, provide
assistance to one another, and also to renew their ties to these extended family
members.
According to the Samoan cultural tradition, I have learned that it is necessary
to keep an individual’s claim open to membership in a particular aiga (family)
by exercising one’s participation within that family. To the Samoan people,
who you are is strongly linked to one’s membership in your family. This
membership includes a constant stream of obligations that need to be satisfied
with tusaga (donations) and with one’s personal presence (Sinaualo Savusa,
personal interview). Ultimately, the failure to fulfill one’s obligations
to the family over a considerable period of time weakens your claim as a member
of your kinship group and thus, your sense of identity as a person. Ideally,
one must affirm and reaffirm your membership to be accounted for and be a part
of an extensive reciprocating family network. This fundamental concept is the
key to understanding Samoan life. It is through the participation of fa‘a
Samoa (the Samoan way) that makes all Samoans today a part of one huge global
family.
When a 56 year-old Samoan widow and friend of our family recently died of cancer,
I was invited by her immediate family members to attend both the funeral preparations
and subsequent service to gain a better understanding of Samoan fa‘alavelaves
or special events that occur from time to time and that perpetuate fa‘a
Samoa. The study took part in several stages over the course of two weeks, during
which time I was able to ask the immediate family members questions about the
events that I had observed. This involved spending a lot of time at the deceased
family’s household, which became the setting for this study.
This Samoan woman has four children, two boys and two girls and a handful of
grandchildren that all live together under one roof in an apartment at the
KPT housing projects here in Honolulu. The night that she passed away, her
children
called their faife‘au (minister) who then came to their house to hold
a prayer vigil and to show support to the immediate family members of the deceased.
It was at this time that the surviving family members decided that their mother
was going to be buried at a local mortuary park alongside their father who
had
passed away several years prior. This, I learned was only the very beginning
of a series of complex social reciprocal arrangements that involve the participation
of a number of family member delegations that come together to contribute and
act as support for the upcoming funeral ritual.
In Samoan culture, lineage is considered ambilateral with patrilineal emphasis
(Grattan 64). That is to say, when one is born that person becomes a member
of the father’s family line but also has rights and communication with the
mother’s extended family members as well. Where a person is born in Samoa
is important as it will elicit both family and other village member’s participation
in fa‘alavelaves later in their lives, no matter how far away one lives
from Samoa. The widow’s children were now responsible for the preparation
of the upcoming funeral service. They began by notifying their mother’s
family matai, or chief, of the death in the family. The total cost of this funeral
was about ten thousand dollars, and the immediate family members were expected
to come up with about half the cost. The rest of the monies needed were collected
from the different parts of the deceased extended family: church members, co-workers,
and friends. It is well-said observation that “Samoans bank in their families”(Braginsky).
At this time, the widow’s deceased husband’s brother was the matai
of her patrilineal kinship group. He plays a paramount role in organizing and
making decisions relating to the exchanges that occur among all the visiting
family delegations that arrive at the deceased family’s apartment before
the actual funeral takes place (Calkins 33).
Every Samoan family has someone that is the “titled” male chief representative
or is at the very least the eldest member of a family’s patrilineal lineage
and is capable of making fa‘alavelave decisions on behalf of his family
(Ablon 213). Chiefly titles are passed down within a family after this representative
either dies or petitions to “splitî” his title with another
within his lineage. Back in Samoa, the village fono, or tribal council must approve
of all conferred or reorganized titles. In each village the fono exists as a
form of political organization among all the heads of each family’s lineage.
A matai can be either ali‘i (high chief) that acts primarily to make decisions
in the fono or a tulafale (talking chief) that represents the high chief and
performs the proper oratory on his behalf. Traditionally, the ali‘i were
sacred titular leaders that carried with them the mana (authority) of the gods,
as supported by ancient genealogies. Tulafales, on the other hand, did not depend
upon sacred ancestry but carried special responsibilities within the nu‘u
(village) such as overseeing house building, fishing, hunting, or war (Grattan
67). In this particular case, the matai that was called was also a high chief
in his village fono, and he called upon on his blood relatives or autautua (those
who serve and support) to help raise money and ieítoga (fine mats) for
the family’s upcoming funeral in Honolulu. Normally, a family matai can
draw support from about ten aigas from his patrilineal-based kinship groups for
equal contributions for fa‘alavelave events. This would typically include
the matai’s brothers, uncles, and father’s families.
Fine mats are large, handmade, finely hand-woven pandanus floor mats, decorated
with brightly dyed chicken feathers woven into the hem. In olden times, fine
mats served as a form of currency in fa‘alavelave transactions and were
often used for dowry payments to the groom’s family. Today, they are still
prized by families and carry the family’s respect and appreciation for
the receiver in their exchange. Fine mats do not have decorative or functional
uses within a Samoan family. After they are proudly displayed for viewing, they
are carefully rolled up and put away for the next fa‘alavelave. It is their
intrinsic symbolic value that makes them valuable to the recipient. In this case,
the high chief had asked his autautua to provide him with two hundred fine mats,
one thousand dollars, plus airfare money for himself, his wife, and his talking
chief to accompany him to the widow’s family’s house in Honolulu.
The Samoan islanders were first evangelized in the late eighteenth century.
By the 1840’s, all of the indigineous peoples from the thirteen islands were
Christianized, either by the Congregational missionaries from the London Missionary
Society or by Catholics and other smaller denominations (Lay 44). Today, although
the church is a social institution of incredible power in daily Samoan life,
the Samoans have not had to sacrifice their ancient family organizational traditions
to meet the demands of their new faith. The tribal customs used in the organization
of their politics as seen in the fono have been left intact and are still active
today. Their influence is evident in the different arenas that are kept separate
from the church. Among Samoans there is the saying that goes, “God comes
first and the minister is His representative here on Earth” (Savusa), but
the church has no political power over its citizens. Ministers do not belong
to the fono and the chiefs do not hold positions within the church. One cannot
serve two masters, so to speak, so there exists an important division of societal
order in the Samoan culture. However, in some ways one can see that the teachings
of the church have instead been molded around some of the traditional aspects
of Samoan society. For example, the church leaders reinforce both Christian Bible
teachings as well as traditionally held exchange beliefs when they encourage
its members “to give in order to get blessings from God” (Savusa).
FEILOAIGA CEREMONY
When this matai, his faletua, and the tulafale arrived before the hosting family
about a week before the upcoming funeral event, they performed an important
feiloaiga ceremony (getting the families together). The ceremony is important
because the
roles of each member of the family for the funeral are discussed and then delegated
by the matai. In this case, the ceremony included the participation of the
deceased husband’s families who also have the right to be present and voice their
opinions about the preparations for the upcoming funeral. First, a series of
two hundred smaller five to six foot fine mats were brought in by the visiting
matai delegation for this particular occasion and were accounted for in a special
ledger by an appointed secretary. Next, and of special significance, were the
five large, twenty-foot fine mats that were brought out, displayed before everyone
present, ceremonially extolled, and then debated over as to what role they will
play in the funeral exchange. These larger fine mats have special roles as they
are given a higher and special status than the smaller ones for a future balanced
exchange to such important personages such as the church minister, to the deceased
husband’s families, or to be draped over the coffin of the deceased at
the funeral.
An envelope of one thousand dollars was then handed over from the matai to
the eldest son of the deceased. The talking chief then says to the hosting
family
members, “This is what we brought for you from Samoa. Please take these
two-hundred fine mats, five larger fine mats, and one-thousand dollars that we
have raised on behalf of your extended family.” The ceremonial tribute
oration performed by the talking chief is done in a highly stylized, “flowery” colloquial
dialect of the Samoan language. Few people outside the circle of the matai tribal
council can understand the beauty and the power of the oratory speech that is
delivered to the immediate family. The feiloaiga is concluded with plans as to
who will buy the food, who will prepare it, who will be the official secretary
and the accountant for the future anticipated si‘i (put up or raise)
and sua (special formal tributary meal) exchanges.
One by one, during the week leading up to the funeral ceremony, visiting delegations
of extended family members, friends, co-workers, church members and other groups,
visits the immediate family members to deliver their si‘i in order to pay
tribute to the deceased. There is great prestige in being able to raise as much
support as possible as it shows to everyone their commitment and respect to that
family. Other important delegations in this particular case were the deceased
husband’s mother and father’s family, and a second visit from the
church minister’s family as each brought over more fine mats and money
to the hosting family. Soon the hosting house is full of fine mats and envelopes
of money, but there are strict rules to these exchanges. The talking chief will
receive a visiting delegation’s tribute and say, “On behalf of
our family we say thanks, but we cannot keep all of this tremendous generosity
and
so we give back to you the following in appreciation.”
A ceremonial sua is given in return where the visiting delegation is offered
a formal meal normally offered to distinguished guests. Traditionally it includes
the following: a coconut with the spine of a coconut frond inserted into it,
a tray of taro boiled in coconut cream and cooked chicken, a fine mat, and
a case of corned beef or a keg of salted meats. It is important to note that
the
ceremonial sua being given by the hosting family is never eaten right then
and there by the visiting delegation because it is being presented as a sign
of respect.
After the sua is inspected and taken into account, about half of the money
and fine mats are then returned to the visiting delegation. This is a necessary
part
of the exchange; the receiving family is expected to return a good portion
of the si‘i as they would not want to fully drain that delegation’s
resources. Before the visiting delegation leaves they are further compensated
with additional fish and meat canned goods to take home with them.
After receiving
their sua from the hosting family that day, the delegation will eventually go
back and visit all of the contributing members of their autautua who had helped
raise funds and give each one of them an equal portion of the si‘i that
was returned. This completes the obligatory exchange between these reciprocating
groups.
It’s interesting to note that in recent times there has been a modification
or replacement of the traditional sua items given by the hosting families. For
instance, instead of the coconut, a can of soda with a dollar bill tucked underneath
the tab is now given. And instead of the taro, a package of soda crackers can
be substituted if the hosting family doesn’t have access to traditional
food items. In this way, Samoans who live outside of their homeland are slowly
changing their traditional ways to incorporate material aspects of Western-influenced
culture and it’s lifestyles. It is also useful to point out that not all
Samoan children who are born or raised outside their homeland, learn and participate
in fa‘a Samoa practices Like many other immigrants, children who do not
identify with their family’s culture and are not taught the language by
their parents and family have only a minimal understanding of their ethnicity.
And in fact some families purposely live outside the obligations of the fa‘a
Samoa simply because it is too burdensome to participate in financially (Braginsky).
This is an example of some of the struggles with the enculturation of western-style
values within the Samoan culture today. Along with the import of their religious
beliefs, westerners have introduced a value system that stresses the need to
accumulate money to a people who, in the past, have lived with the emphasis
on mutual rather than individual gain (Goodman). The introduction of a cash
economy
and the results of mass migration having brought an imbalance of wealth in
monetary terms among the areas where Samoans live, the ceremonial exchange
is no longer
based on the principal of reciprocity in the strict sense of the term (Grattan
128).
What I saw was that the funeral service itself is usually performed a few hours
after a regular Sunday church service. First, the immediate family members
will have some time alone with the deceased who is displayed inside the church
in
an open casket during this preview. Next, the family’s talking chief
will address all who are present at the last viewing, giving thanks to all
who helped
make this service possible. The process of acknowledging the presence of the
family delegations here is always very important so that no one who is participating
will feel slighted or left out (Holmes 91). The casket is then closed and the
funeral service begins. It is common for visiting church ministers to also
be present during the funeral service in order to provide additional emotional
and
spiritual support. When the church congregation has filed and settled in, there
is the singing of prayers, reading of passages of the Bible, short sermons
given by the visiting church ministers that address the family of the deceased,
eulogies
and testimonials from the deceased children, family, and from the minister
himself. The minister of that particular church delivers a main sermon, then
closing prayers
given with more songs sung by the entire choir with the congregation. Lastly,
the talking chief that represents the deceased will again stand up at the conclusion
of this funeral service and thank everyone who is there and has participated
in this particular service.
A formal invitation is given to anyone who would like to be present at the
actual burial, and the funeral service moves on to the internment site. At
the gravesite,
final prayers are administered, and the deceased is either buried or cremated.
At this time, the family will invite over all those present at the burial or
cremation for a luncheon either at their house or back on the grounds of the
church. Finally, another sua is given to all of the visiting faifeau’s
that participated in the service.
Interestingly, this may mean that a second
sua is given to their minister and can include the giving of more fine mats
and money by the hosting family. When all is complete with the meal, a final
accounting
of the total contributions are made by the secretary and it is at this time
that the hosting family finds out if there is anything extra leftover to recycle
back
to visiting delegations such as the matai family, who, as we have seen, played
a paramount role in the organization of the funeral exchange. From this hosting
family, the visitng matai delegation received approximately half of what they
originally contributed, plus their airfare expenses back to Samoa.
In conclusion, the Samoan funeral turnout really shows the extent of respect
and the influence of the deceased participation in past fa‘alavelaves.
The larger the funeral, the better the deceased was thought of in the Samoan
community. The turnout shows to everyone the extent of one’s involvement
in the community and is the source of much pride for the surviving family members.
The Samoan funeral rituals are one way that allows extended family reciprocation
to perpetuate the link between family members and ultimately, one’s place
of belonging in the hierarchy of Samoan society. In doing this field study I
really enjoyed the opportunity to examine an important part of the Samoan people’s
lives. It gave me a better understanding as to why certain practices are valued
in their society and taught me how despite modern pressures and influences
of western society they are still able to successfully live communally in a
way
that benefits all the members of their family.
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